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Jean Jaurès

French Socialist leader (–)

Auguste Marie Joseph Jean Léon Jaurès (3 September &#;&#; 31 July ), commonly referred to as Jean Jaurès (French:[ʒɑ̃ʒɔʁɛs]^ⓘ; Occitan: Joan Jaurés[dʒuˈandʒawˈɾes]), was a French socialist leader. Initially a Moderate Republican, he later became a social democrat and one of the first possibilists (the reformist wing of the socialist movement) and in the leader of the French Socialist Party, which opposed Jules Guesde's revolutionary Socialist Party of France.

The two parties merged in in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). An antimilitarist, he was assassinated in at the outbreak of World War I but remains one of the main historical figures of the French Left. As a heterodox Marxist, Jaurès rejected the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat and tried to conciliate idealism and materialism, individualism and collectivism, democracy and class struggle, and patriotism and internationalism.^[1]^{[need quotation to verify]}

Early career

The son of an unsuccessful businessman and farmer, Jean Jaurès was born in Castres, Tarn, into a modest French provincial haut-bourgeois family.

His younger brother, Louis, became an admiral and a Republican-Socialist deputy.

A brilliant student, Jaurès was educated at the Lycée Sainte-Barbe in Paris and admitted first at the École normale supérieure, in philosophy, in , ahead of Henri Bergson. He obtained his agrégation of philosophy in , ending up third, and then taught philosophy for two years at the Albilycée before lecturing at the University of Toulouse.

He was elected Republicandeputy for the département of Tarn in , sitting alongside the moderate Opportunist Republicans, opposed both to Georges Clemenceau's Radicals and to the Socialists.

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He then supported both Jules Ferry and Léon Gambetta. On 29 June Jaurès married Louise Bois who despite Jaurès's secularism remained a devout Catholic.^[3]

Historian

In , after unsuccessfully contesting the Castres seat, this time under the banner of Socialism, he returned to his professional duties at Toulouse, where he took an active interest in municipal affairs and helped to found the medical faculty of the university.

He also prepared two theses for his doctorate in philosophy, De primis socialismi germanici lineamentis apud Lutherum, Kant, Fichte et Hegel ("On the first delineations of German socialism in the writings of [Martin] Luther, [Immanuel] Kant, [Johann Gottlieb] Fichte and [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel") (), and De la réalité du monde sensible.

Jaurès became a highly influential historian of the French Revolution.

Research in the archives in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris led him to the formulation of a theoretical Marxist interpretation of the events. His book Histoire Socialiste (–03) shaped interpretations—from Albert Mathiez (–), Albert Soboul (–) and Georges Lefebvre (–)—that came to dominate teaching analysis in class-conflict terms well into the s.

Jaurès emphasized the central role the middle class played in the aristocratic Brumaire, as well as the emergence of the working class "sans-culottes" who espoused a political outlook and social philosophy that came to dominate revolutionary movements on the left.^[4]^[5]

Rise to prominence

Jaurès was initially a moderate republican, opposed to both Clemenceau's Radicalism and socialism.

He developed into a socialist during the late s, when he was in his late 20s. In the miners of Carmaux went on strike over the dismissal of their leader, Jean Baptiste Calvignac. Jaurès's campaigning forced the government to intervene and require Calvignac's reinstatement. The following year, Jaurès was re-elected to the National Assembly as socialist deputy for Tarn, a seat he retained (apart from the four years to ) until his death.

Defeated in the legislative election of , he spent four years without a legislative seat. His eloquent speeches nonetheless made him a force to be reckoned with as an intellectual champion of socialism. He edited La Petite République, and was, along with Émile Zola, one of the most energetic defenders of Alfred Dreyfus during the Dreyfus Affair.

He approved of Alexandre Millerand, and the socialist's inclusion in the René Waldeck-Rousseaucabinet, though this led to an irredeemable split with the more revolutionary section led by Jules Guesde forming the Independent Socialists Party.^[6]

SFIO leadership

In , Jaurès returned as deputy for Albi.

The independent socialists merged with Paul Brousse's "possibilist" (reformist) Federation of the Socialist Workers of France and Jean Allemane's Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party to form the French Socialist Party, of which Jaurès became the leader. They represented a social democratic stance, opposed to Jules Guesde's revolutionary Socialist Party of France.

During the Combes administration his influence secured the coherence of the Radical-Socialist coalition known as the Bloc des gauches, which enacted the French law on the Separation of the Churches and the State. In , he founded the socialist paper L'Humanité.^[7] According to Geoffrey Kurtz, Jaures was "instrumental" in the reforms carried out by the administration, Emile Combes, "influencing the content of legislation and keeping the factions within the Bloc united."^[8] Following the Amsterdam Congress of the Second International, the French socialist groups held a Congress at Rouen in March , which resulted in a new consolidation, with the merger of Jaurès's French Socialist Party and Guesde's Socialist Party of France.

The new party, headed by Jaurès and Guesde, ceased to co-operate with the Radical groups, and became known as the Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU, Unified Socialist Party), pledged to advance a collectivist programme. All the socialist movements unified the same year in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO).

On 1 May Jaurès visited a newly formed wine making cooperative in Maraussan. He said the peasants had to unite instead of refusing to help each other. He told them to, "in the vat of the Republic, prepare the wine of the Social Revolution!".

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As the revolt of the Languedoc winegrowers developed, on 11 June Jaurès filed a bill with Jules Guesde that proposed nationalization of the wine estates. After troops had shot wine growing demonstrators later that month, Parliament renewed its confidence in the government. Jaurès's L'Humanité carried the headline, "The House acquits the mass killers of the Midi".

In the general elections of , Jaurès was again elected for the Tarn.

His ability was now generally recognized, but the strength of the SFIO still had to reckon with radical Georges Clemenceau, who was able to appeal to his countrymen (in a notable speech in the spring of ) to rally to a Radical programme which had no socialist ideas in view, although Clemenceau was sensitive to the conditions of the working class.

Clemenceau's image as a strong and practical leader considerably diminished socialist populism. In addition to daily journalistic activity, Jaurès published Les preuves; Affaire Dreyfus (); Action socialiste (); Études socialistes (), and, with other collaborators, Histoire socialiste (), etc.

In , he travelled to Lisbon and Buenos Aires.

He supported, albeit not without criticisms, the teaching of regional languages, such as Occitan, Basque and Breton, commonly known as "patois", thus opposing, on this issue, traditional Republican Jacobinism.^[13]

Jaures opposed imperialism, arguing that it posed a threat to peace in Europe.^[14]

Anti-militarism

Jaurès was a committed antimilitarist who tried to use diplomatic means to prevent what became the First World War.

In , he opposed Émile Driant's Three-Year Service Law, which implemented a draft period, and tried to promote understanding between France and Germany. As conflict became imminent, he tried to organise general strikes in France and Germany in order to force the governments to back down and negotiate. This proved difficult, however, as many Frenchmen sought revenge (revanche) for their country's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War and the return of the lost Alsace-Lorraine territory.

Then, in May , with Jaurès intending to form an alliance with Joseph Caillaux for the labour movement, the Socialists won the General Election. They planned to take office and "press for a policy of European peace". Jaurès accused French President Raymond Poincaré of being "more Russian than Russia" and premier René Viviani as being compliant.

In July , he attended the Socialist Congress in Brussels where he struck up a constructive solidarity with German socialist party leader Hugo Haase. On the 20th of that month, Jaurès voted against a parliamentary subsidy for Poincaré's visit to St. Petersburg; which he condemned as both dangerous and provocative.

The Caillaux–Jaurès alliance was dedicated to defeating military objectives that were aimed at precipitating war. France sent a mission, headed by Poincaré, to coordinate French and Russian responses. Always a pacifist, Jaurès rushed back to Paris to attempt an impossible reconciliation with the government. Russia had partially mobilized, which Germany took as an extreme provocation.^[15]

Assassination

Main article: Assassination of Jean Jaurès

On 31 July , Jaurès was assassinated.

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At 9 pm, he went to dine at the Café du Croissant on Rue Montmartre. Forty minutes later, Raoul Villain, a year-old French nationalist, walked up to the restaurant window and fired two shots into Jaurès's back.^[16] He died five minutes later at pm. Jaurès had been due to attend an international conference on 9 August, in an attempt to dissuade the belligerent parties from going ahead with the war.^[17] Villain also intended to murder Henriette Caillaux with his two engraved pistols.^[18] Tried after World War I and acquitted, he was later killed by the Republicans in during the Spanish Civil War.

Shock waves ran through the streets of Paris. One of the government's most charismatic and compelling orators had been assassinated.

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His opponent, President Poincaré, sent his sympathies to Jaurès's widow. Paris was on the brink of revolution: Jaurès had been advocating a general strike and had narrowly avoided sedition charges. One important consequence was that the cabinet postponed the arrest of socialist revolutionaries. Viviani reassured Britain of Belgian neutrality but also said that "the gloves were off".

Jaurès's murder brought matters one step closer to world war. It helped to destabilise the French government, whilst simultaneously breaking a link in the chain of international solidarity.^{[clarification needed]} Speaking at Jaurès's funeral a few days later, CGT leader Léon Jouhaux declared, "All working men&#; we take the field with the determination to drive back the aggressor."^[19] As if in reverence to his memory, the Socialists in the Chamber agreed to suspend all sabotage activity in support of the Union Sacrée.

Poincaré commented that, "In the memory of man, there had never been anything more beautiful in France."^[20]

On 23 November , his remains were transferred to the Panthéon.^[21]^[22]

Political legacy

Joseph Caillaux and Jaurès were fellow anti-militarists trying to halt the slide to war in July But Caillaux was paralyzed, politically and emotionally, by the trial of his wife for murder.

With the trial over (July 28) Caillaux and Jaurès hoped they could expose the President's secret deal with Russia. This would have led to a policy of détente with Germany, preventing war and the inevitable carnage. Russia had covertly subsidized Poincaré's election campaign.^[23] Poincaré had, in this theory, therefore abandoned socialism for another party and warfare.

Even if Germany intentionally condemned Belgium to occupation, they had already accused Russia of starting the conflict. This theory, downplaying Germany's aggressive moves, was not widely supported in France.^[24]

In the centenary year of his assassination, politicians from all sides of the political spectrum paid tribute to him and claimed he would have supported them.

François Hollande declared that "Jaurès, the man of socialism, is today the man of all of France" while in , Nicolas Sarkozy declared that his party was Jaurès's successor.^[25]

In popular culture

Numerous streets and squares in France are named for Jaurès, especially in the south of France, as well as in Vienna (Austria), Ghent (Belgium), Plovdiv (Bulgaria), Tel Aviv and Haifa (Israel), Buenos Aires (Argentina), Cluj (Romania) and also in Germany.
Jaurès appears as a character in many period French films and TV series, sometimes as the main subject and sometimes as a supporting character.^{[citation needed]}
Jacques Brel wrote a song, "Jaurès", and recorded it for his last album Les Marquises.

In it, he wonders why Jean Jaurès was killed, while lamenting on the life of the working class. (This song was re-interpreted by the band Zebda in as a celebration of the th anniversary of Jaurès's birth.)
"Les Corons", a song by Pierre Bachelet, contains a reference to Jean Jaurès: "Y avait à la mairie le jour de la kermesse, Une photo de Jean Jaurès".
Al Stewart's song "Trains" includes the lyrics, "on the day they buried Jean Jaurès, World War One broke free"^[26]
The long poem "The Mystery of the Charity of Charles Péguy" by Geoffrey Hill () begins with (and returns to) the death of Jaurès.
Metro stations have been named after Jaurès in Paris (Jaurès and Boulogne - Jean Jaurès), Toulouse (Jean-Jaurès), and Lyon (Place Jean-Jaurès).
In the film Maîtresse ("Mistress"), a character looking at a Parisian map laments, "There are too many avenues named after Jean Jaurès."
Transcribed as Zhores, Jaurès is a Russian first name, used by people as Zhores Alferov (Alferov has a brother named Marx) and Zhores Medvedev (whose brother is Roy, from M.

N. Roy). For Zhores Medvedev, this has been disputed by Michael Lerner. See the letter by Michael Lerner in the New York Review of Books, 23 March
Jaurès figures in Jules Romains's epic fictional work Les Hommes de Bonne Volonté.
His assassination is depicted in Roger Martin du Gard's novel The Thibaults.
Since , a video clip of François Mitterrand placing a rose in front of Jaurès's tomb at the moment the Socialists returned to power in pomp and circumstance is often played on French television.^{[citation needed]}
In the play Hans im Schnakenloch ("Hans in the mosquito pit") by René Schickele, the character Cavrel represents Jaurès.^[27]
Jaurès is the idol and moral compass of the lead character, the union leader Michel, in the French film, The Snows of Kilimanjaro ().

Michel quotes Jaurès throughout the film to justify and reflect on his actions.
His political journey towards democratic socialism is depicted in the made-for-TV movie "Jaurès, Birth of a Giant" (fr), . It shows him support a general strike initiated by miners in the French city of Carmaux, against the monarchist mine owner.

During the course of the film, Jaurès goes from being a "Hard left Republican" allied to the likes of Jules Ferry, to calling himself a socialist. The movie ends with his successful attempt to unify the 7 socialist factions of France at the time under one party, the French Section of the Workers' International.

References

^Sévillia, Jean, Histoire Passionnée de la France, Perrin, , p.
^Conkiln, Alice (). France and Its Empire Since . p.&#;
^James Friguglietti and Barry Rothaus, "A new view of Jean Jaures' Histoire Socialiste." Consortium on Revolutionary Europe – Selected Papers (), pp –
^James Friguglietti, "Albert Mathiez, an Historian at War." French Historical Studies (): – in JSTOR
^See the 26 November debate between Jules Guesde and JaurèsArchived at the Wayback Machine.
Jacques brel jean jaures biography wikipedia Passionate about music, he frequented such local Brussels clubs as Le Grenier de la Rose Noire The attic of the black rose. Klaus Hoffmann is another important German interpreter of Brel's songs, as is the Austrian actor Michael Heltau , who was asked by Brel himself to record his songs, using the translation of Werner Schneyder. He developed into a socialist during the late s, when he was in his late 20s. When people talk about his work ethic, they often mention that he could give up to concerts in a year without slowing down.
(in French)
^Raphael Levy (January ). "The Daily Press in France". The Modern Language Journal. 13 (4): – doi/jtbx. JSTOR&#;
^Combes social reforms
^Jean Jaurès, "L'éducation populaire et les "patois"", in La Dépêche, 15 August
"Méthode comparée", in Revue de l'Enseignement Primaire, 15 October On-line(in French)
^Kahler, Miles ().

Decolonization in Britain and France: The Domestic Consequences of International Relations. Princeton University Press. p.&#; ISBN&#;.
^Luigi Albertini, Origins, III, pp. 94–95; McMeekin, p.
Jean jaures quotes The film tells the story of a teenage girl who accuses her primary schoolteacher, Jean Doucet Brel , of trying to rape her. He was an artist. Discography [ edit ]. Dutch [ edit ].
^Tharoor, Ishan. "The other assassination that led up to World War I". . Retrieved 4 October
^Robert Tombs (). "To The Sacred Union, ". France –. London: Longman. p.&#; ISBN&#;.
^Berenson, The trials of Mme Caillaux, p.
^Albertini, Origins, III, p.
Jean jaures toulouse He developed into a socialist during the late s, when he was in his late 20s. I have his records: the naive semi-acoustic "Le Grand Jacques," the nervous "Les Marquises," the audacious "Les Flamandes," the passionate concerts at the Olympia, the farewell recording "Ne me quitte pas" - elaborate arrangements by sound masters, a mature voice. They would become good friends. Download as PDF Printable version.
^McMeekin, p.
^"Le Panthéon (): Collection Bibliothèque de l'Assemblée nationale". National Assembly of France (in French). Retrieved 8 April
^Jaures murder
^Beatty () states that "[T]he close January 17, , vote in the Chamber elevated Poincaré to the presidency Rumored at the time, Russian subsidies to the Paris press were revealed in the s by L'Humanité, the journal of the French Communist party, the Bolsheviks having supplied the editors with the tsarist documents.

By , the subsidies, administered by the French finance minister, M. Klotz, totaled more than two million francs a year. For this sum, Russia got favorable publicity for its railroad loan requests, for the presidential candidacy of Raymond Poincaré, and for his pro-Russian policies as premier and president. [footnote 76, details on p. ] Always awkward, the Republic's alliance with tsarist autocracy became so close under Poincaré that a Toulouse paper could plausibly ask: 'Is France Republican or Cossack?'" (p.

). Foornote 76 (p. ) states "For details on reptile fund, see Sidney B. Fay, The Origins of the War, vol. 1 (New York: Macmillan, ), , n. Also James William Long, "Russian Manipulation of the French Press, –," Slavic Review 31, no. 2 (June ): – Berenson, The Trial of Madame Caillaux, –"
^Luigi Albertini, Origins, III, pp.

94–95; McMeekin, p.
^Sam Ball (31 July ). "France remembers murdered socialist hero Jean Jaurès". com. Retrieved 5 April
^TrainsArchived 2 October at the Wayback Machine Al Stewart.
^Áine McGillicuddy, René Schickele and Alsace: Cultural Identity Between the Borders. Bern: Peter Lang , p.

Sources

Albertini, Luigi; Massey, Isabella M. (trans.) () []. The origins of the War of (1st English edition (Oxford, ), updated (Enigma, ), original Italian edition published in – in Milan, Italy, by Fratelli Bocca&#;ed.). OxfordNew York: Oxford University Press (1st English ed., ) / Enigma Books (updated, ).

ISBN&#;.
Beatty, Jack (). The Lost History of Why the Great War was Not Inevitable. London: Bloomsbury. ISBN&#;.OCLC&#;
Bon, Nicolas (24 July ), "Midi , l'histoire d'une révolte vigneronne", (in French)
&#;This article&#;incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:&#;Chisholm, Hugh, ed.

(). "Jaurès, Jean Léon". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol.&#;15 (11th&#;ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp.&#;–
McMeekin, Sean (). July Countdown to War. Basic Books. ISBN&#;.
Théobald, Gérard (), La Liberté est ou n'est pas (in French), Editions Publibook, ISBN&#;, retrieved 1 March
Vignerons coopérateurs de l'Hérault, Histoire de la coopération (in French), Vignerons coopérateurs de l'Hérault, archived from the original on 25 September , retrieved 2 March